Articles by Our Experts

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After Moscow launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Ukrainian lawmakers—in the absence of meaningful public comment—amended the criminal code to expand the grounds for collaboration charges. These now include public denial of Russian aggression, glorification of Russia, and insulting the honor and dignity of Ukrainian soldiers. Violations are punishable by fines, imprisonment, and restrictions on the ability to “hold certain positions or engage in certain activities” for up to three years. Between May 2025 and May 2026, Ukraine’s prosecutor general registered more than 3,400 collaboration cases. Human rights defenders warn that the laws are overly broad and could lead to legal consequences for nearly anyone who had contact with Russian occupation authorities—including people who accepted social services, medical and other workers who provided basic services in occupied areas, and those who may have interacted with the authorities only as a means of survival under occupation.

Prepared by: Volodymyr Pavlenko, Independent Expert on International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in UkraineFor Freedom House

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Amid mass protests in Tajikistan’s eastern Gorno-Badakhshan autonomous region in 2022, authorities arrested veteran freelance journalist Ulfatkhonim Mamadshoeva at her home, accusing her of organizing the unrest.

She was convicted on multiple anti-state charges—including treason, terrorism, forming a criminal group, violent usurpation of state power, murder and attempted murder—and sentenced to 20 years in prison.

Mamadshoeva, who is now 68 years old, covered cultural, social and geopolitical issues in the region for various publications; she also ran an independent news website and an NGO focused on women’s rights and other issues.

By Rustam Mansuri, Human Rights Expert on Tajikistan

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Tashkent, Uzbekistan (UzDaily.com) — A criminal case has been initiated in Tashkent against Fazliddin Makhmonov, head of the online publication “Demokrat”, and blogger Aziz Goipnazarov, the press service of the city’s Main Department of Internal Affairs reported.

According to the authorities, on 15 December 2025, Goipnazarov produced and posted an online video discrediting the activities of a car dealership in the Sergeli district. Following this, Makhmonov and Goipnazarov allegedly demanded US$50,000 from the dealership representatives in exchange for removing the published video and refraining from posting other compromising material in the media.

The investigation established that on 29 January 2026, Makhmonov received US$3,000 from the victim party. On 10 February, he was caught in the act while receiving an additional US$17,000, and physical evidence was seized from him at the time.

A criminal case has been opened against Makhmonov and Goipnazarov under Paragraph “a” of Part 3 of Article 165 of the Criminal Code of Uzbekistan — extortion on a particularly large scale. The penalty under this provision carries imprisonment of up to 15 years.

The investigation is ongoing. Law enforcement authorities have urged anyone who may have suffered from the actions of the suspects to contact their nearest police department or call the short number 102.

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On 13 April 2026, a court in Taldykorgan convicted 19 activists linked to the Atajurt movement over a peaceful protest held in November 2025 near the city of Almaty. Eleven activists were handed five-year prison sentences on charges of “inciting interethnic or social discord” (Article 174 of the Criminal Code), including two women defendants given suspended prison sentences due to having young children. Eight others were given non-custodial “restrictions of freedom” sentences. All defendants were additionally banned from public or political activities for three years.

During the demonstration the participants, ethnic Kazakhs from Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), criticized human rights violations by Chinese authorities in Xinjiang and called for the release of Kazakhstani citizen Alimnur Turganbay, detained in China since July 2025. Protesters burned Chinese flags and a portrait of China’s President Xi Jinping. Following a diplomatic complaint from the Chinese consulate, Kazakhstani authorities escalated initial administrative charges to criminal prosecution. 

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Voters in Kazakhstan headed to the polls March 15, 2026 for a referendum on a new constitution that would strengthen President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s grip on power in Central Asia’s largest country.

The proposal merges the Kazakhstani parliament’s two chambers into one and gives the president the right to appoint all government officials, including the restoration of the post of vice-president.

If the constitutional changes pass, a new body, the People’s Council, will be created alongside parliament, empowered to initiate legislation and initiate referendums. Its members will be appointed entirely by the president.

This second constitutional change in four years was initiated by Tokayev. These changes pave the way for him to retain power after his term expires. The 72-year-old Tokayev, a former Soviet official is currently limited to one seven-year term until 2029. However, Tokayev could use the referendum to reset presidential term limits.

Leaders of several former Soviet republics, including Russia, Belarus, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan, have previously used new or amended constitutions to revise statutory term limits.

The proposed new constitution also stipulates that marriage will no longer be a union of two people, but rather a union of a man and a woman. This provision was introduced in the new constitution as a follow-up to a law banning what authorities view as “propaganda” of LGBTQ+ relations.

 “This step is of exceptional importance, especially in the current period, when the geopolitical situation is unstable and challenges and threats to national security are becoming increasingly tangible,” Tokayev said at a forum in Astana on Thursday

In fact, preventing a repeat of the 2022 unrest remains a key priority for Tokayev, because Kazakhstan is the highest-risk Central Asian country on our predictive Civil Unrest Index, reflecting the increased incidence of industrial action, particularly in oil-producing regions.

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Kremlin ramped up control over internet, as it tests new ‘whitelist’ restrictions and pushes people to state-owned app. Muscovites have been turning to walkie-talkies and pagers amid unexplained disruptions to internet services in the capital, as the Kremlin appears to ramp up control over online activity in Russia.

Users in central Moscow, as well as in St Petersburg, first reported difficulties accessing mobile internet about a week ago. Many said they were unable to load websites or apps, while some lost service altogether, leaving them unable to make phone calls.

The Kremlin said this week that the outages were being introduced to “ensure security” and would remain in place “as long as additional measures are necessary”, without providing further details about the reasons behind the restrictions.

For months, users across Russia have complained about widespread mobile internet shutdowns, though the disruptions have drawn far less scrutiny than those now affecting Moscow’s inner centre, the country’s political and economic hub.

Human rights activists said the shutdown could be linked to Moscow testing a new so-called “whitelist” system, under which only a limited number of government-approved websites and essential online services would remain accessible to Russians.

Officials in Moscow previously said the “whitelist” of available websites would include “all resources needed for life”, including marketplaces, delivery services and online pharmacies. But the system would dramatically censor Russians’ access to the wider web.

Russian officials have previously claimed internet shutdowns were an effort to thwart Ukrainian drone attacks, though experts say such measures are unlikely to be effective.

Faced with the disruptions, many have turned to older forms of communication. Russians have begun buying more walkie-talkies and pagers, according to data from the e-commerce platform Wildberries & Russ cited by Russian media.

Sales of walkie-talkies have risen by 27%, while pagers used to communicate with clients and staff have increased by 73%. Demand for paper maps of Moscow has nearly tripled.

The shutdown comes amid a renewed crackdown on Russia’s online space. Authorities have already blocked WhatsApp, Facebook and YouTube, and there are growing rumours that the widely used messaging app Telegram could face restrictions as early as next month.

At the same time, officials have been pushing Russians to join a state-backed “super-app” called Max, modelled on China’s WeChat, which is controlled by Russia’s security services.

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The Uzbekistan government continues to exercise significant and coercive state control over the agricultural production of cotton and wheat, while failing to respect the labor and human rights of farmers who grow cotton and wheat. 

The current system of strategic crop cultivation and production in Uzbekistan requires farmers to grow agreed crops on land they lease from the government, in fixed amounts (quotas) to be sold at fixed price, and to incur significant financial burden whether or not they meet quotas, and whether or not the ability to meet quotas is under their control. 

Farmers are placed in a very vulnerable position, susceptible to threats, abuse and other forms of illegal coercion. Moreover, the system prevents them from operating independently or having control over their working conditions, and in practice makes them subservient to the state, akin to employees. 

A cotton farmer from Khorezm region described his situation in November 2025 in nearly those exact words: “It is as if we have become hired workers for someone, not landowners.” Another farmer from the Fergana region described it as having “a lot of bosses.” He explained, saying “Everyone interferes with the 

There are rights violations stemming from the system of agricultural production imposed on farmers and the unlawful behavior by state officials against farmers such as the use of coercion, threats, physical abuse, and even arbitrary detention to ensure the production of cotton and wheat by farmers in amounts set by the state and at prices set by Uzbekistan’s Commodity Exchange, a trading platform for goods and products.

Violations of farmers’ right to an adequate standard of living, including a living wage, occur as a result of several factors including forcing farmers to grow cotton and wheat crops and prohibiting them from deciding what to grow on their land, the inability of farmers to sell the mandated crops at a price that covers their costs, and the failure to enforce court decisions about payments to the detriment of farmers. The persistent non-enforcement of court decisions is a violation of farmers’ right to a remedy, including access to court, that also leads to financial precarity or even bankruptcy. Finally, there are violations of farmers’ right to association, to organize, and to form and join cooperatives.

In recent years, clusters, which were ostensibly introduced to move Uzbekistan away from a state-controlled system to a market-based one, have delayed payment or have not paid farmers in full or at all for their raw cotton and wheat harvests. While courts have, at times, ruled in favor of farmers seeking to recover lost payments, the authorities have taken little to no action against clusters for delayed or non-payment to farmers.

Farmers who do not meet their quota or who face delays harvesting their crops can be subjected to insults, threats, and physical violence by state officials. Farmers’ property rights, including the lease they have purchased and crops they have cultivated, are poorly protected, and local officials have unlawfully and arbitrarily seized or have threatened to seize farmers’ agricultural land held under lease. Authorities and courts across Uzbekistan have also closed or interfered in independent farmers’ cooperatives and otherwise restricted farmers’ efforts to organize and advocate jointly for their rights, in violation of both domestic and international law.

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1. Political prisoners excluded from government amnesty

In March 2026, President Emomali Rahmon granted amnesty to 897 prisoners, but none of the released individuals included journalists, civil-society activists, or opposition figures. 

Human-rights groups criticized the decision, saying it demonstrates that political prisoners remain behind bars despite government claims of reforms.

2. Continued crackdown on journalists and opposition

Tajik authorities continue to target independent journalists, bloggers, and political activists with criminal charges.

• Critics are frequently prosecuted under extremism or terrorism laws.
• Trials often take place behind closed doors, raising concerns about due-process violations. 

Human-rights organizations say such charges are often politically motivated and used to silence dissent.

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3. Long prison sentences for activists linked to regional protests

Several activists and journalists connected to unrest in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO) have received long prison sentences.

• Human-rights groups say the prosecutions were retaliation for criticizing the government and reporting on protests. 
• Some trials have been conducted in secret courts, and observers reported limited access to lawyers.

4. Continued detention of prominent human-rights lawyer

International organizations are still calling for the release of human-rights lawyer Buzurgmehr Yorov, who was imprisoned for representing political opposition figures.

• He is serving a 23-year prison sentence.
• Rights groups say his prosecution was politically motivated and linked to his legal defense of opposition activists. 

5. Worsening climate for civil liberties

Human-rights monitors say the overall situation in Tajikistan remains highly restrictive:

• Freedom of expression and political opposition are severely limited.
• Authorities have cracked down on protests and independent civic groups.
• Reports of torture and ill-treatment in detention remain a serious concern. 

Summary

Current human-rights concerns in Tajikistan include:

• imprisonment of journalists and opposition activists
• politically motivated charges under extremism laws
• closed trials and lack of due process
• long prison sentences for activists linked to regional protests
• ongoing restrictions on freedom of speech and civil society.

By Rustam Mansuri, Human Rights Expert on Tajikistan

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Belarusian journalist Pavel Dabravolski was convicted March 9, 2026 of treason and sentenced to nine years in a maximum-security prison, activists said, the fifth media worker to be jailed in two weeks in a relentless government crackdown on freedom of the press.

Dabravolski, who has reported for international and domestic news outlets and won numerous prizes for his work, was found guilty during a closed-door trial at Minsk City Court, according to the Belarusian Association of Journalists. The 36-year-old most recently worked for BelaPAN, which the Belarusian authorities have designated as extremist.

There is a sharp increase in government pressure on Belarus’ media workers.

“Repression is escalating and Dabravolski’s sentence shows that the authorities are increasing pressure on journalists in a country that already has the worst freedom of speech in Europe,” Andrei Bastunets, the head of the journalists’ association, told The Associated Press.

28 journalists are imprisoned in Belarus. It defnetely contradicts the idea that the human rights situation in Belarus has allegedly improved due to the release of prominent political prisoners.

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In March 2026, a United Nations investigative commission concluded that the forced deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children to Russia and Russian-occupied territories constitutes crimes against humanity. (OHCHR)

Key findings:

• The UN has verified at least 1,205 Ukrainian children forcibly transferred from occupied regions of Ukraine to Russia. (OHCHR)
• Ukrainian authorities estimate that around 20,000 children may have been taken since the start of the full-scale invasion in 2022. (ABC News)
• Many children were placed in Russian institutions or foster families, sometimes given Russian citizenship. (The Times)
• Some were reportedly subjected to political indoctrination and military training. (ABC News)

The UN commission stated that children were separated from their families without consent, and information about their whereabouts was often withheld from parents. (OHCHR)

Because of these actions, the International Criminal Court previously issued arrest warrants related to the deportation program. (ABC News)

Human-rights organizations consider the deportation of children one of the most serious ongoing violations connected with the war in Ukraine, because it involves the forced transfer of minors and attempts to change their identity and citizenship.

Prepared by: Volodymyr Pavlenko, Independent Expert on International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Ukraine
Date: March 15, 2026

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Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov is a Karakalpak lawyer, journalist, and prominent human rights defender. He became widely known for his advocacy for the rights of the Karakalpak minority and his reporting on abuses in the autonomous region of Karakalpakstan. (freedom-now.org)

Tazhimuratov was arrested in July 2022 during a government crackdown following protests in Karakalpakstan related to proposed constitutional changes. He was later sentenced to a 16-year prison term on charges tied to his role in these protests, charges that many international observers say are politically motivated. (JURIST)

Ongoing Detention & Allegations of Abuse

Even in 2025, Tazhimuratov remains in prison, serving his 16-year sentence. Reports from human rights monitoring groups indicate:

• Continued mistreatment and abuse in custody, including allegations that prison authorities deprived him of food during religious fasting and interfered with family communication. (eurasianet.org)
• His writings and personal materials have been confiscated, and his prison conditions have been described as harsh and punitive. (eurasianet.org)

Human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch, continue to highlight these concerns and call attention to the treatment he is receiving. (eurasianet.org)

International Legal Opinions

In April 2025, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (UNWGAD) officially determined that Tazhimuratov’s detention is arbitrary and a violation of international human rights law, urging Uzbekistan to release him and provide remedies. (Human Rights Foundation)

Despite this UN ruling, the Uzbek authorities have not released him and have not implemented the Working Group’s decision. Legal advocates and international NGOs (such as Freedom Now and the Human Rights Foundation) continue to push for compliance with the UN recommendation. (Human Rights Foundation)

What This Indicates

Tazhimuratov’s case illustrates a current and legally significant human rights issue in Uzbekistan:

• Politically motivated prosecution of a dissident and minority rights advocate
• Long-term imprisonment under questionable charges
• Reported mistreatment and denial of basic rights during incarceration
• International human rights law bodies finding his detention arbitrary
• Uzbek authorities refusing to comply with the UN decision

This case has been cited by multiple rights watchdogs and has drawn concern from diplomatic bodies in the UK, EU, and U.S., all calling for an independent investigation and his release. (impactpolicies.org)

Prepared by:
Umronbek Azimov
For submission to the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention

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Manuchehr Kholiqnazarov is one of the most prominent human rights defenders from Tajikistan, active in advocating for the rights of the Pamiri ethnic minority in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region.

He was arrested in 2022 following largely peaceful protests in Khorog and subsequently sentenced to a long prison term (originally reported as 16 years) on charges widely seen by international monitors as politically motivated and unjust. His trial has been criticized by HR defenders as failing to meet fair-trial standards, with denial of access to lawyers and evidence during proceedings.

Although his arrest and sentence predate late 2025, Kholiqnazarov remains imprisoned and continues to be an internationally recognized prisoner of conscience. In 2024 he was jointly awarded the prestigious Martin Ennals Award for Human Rights Defenders, underscoring ongoing concern from global civil society about his detention and the broader repression in Tajikistan. 

Why this case matters now:
Even in late 2025, there is no indication of his release or legal remedy, and his continued incarceration is frequently cited in reports on human rights in Tajikistan, highlighting systematic repression of dissent and ethnic minority advocacy. 

Rukhshona Khakimova — Journalist and Rights Defender Sentenced in 2025

• In February 2025, the Supreme Court of Tajikistan convicted her of treason under Tajik law and sentenced her to 8 years in prison following what international observers described as a flawed trial. The charges reportedly stemmed from her research work and interviews with individuals involved in investigations of international aid — conduct that human rights experts argue was part of her legitimate journalistic and research activities. In May 2025, a UN human rights expert publicly called for her immediate release and a fair retrial in line with international standards, noting serious deficiencies in the legal process and persecution of her exercise of free expression.

Both cases above unfold in a broader environment of clamped civil liberties and human-rights restrictions in Tajikistan:

• Independent activists, journalists, lawyers, and civic leaders continue to face arbitrary detention and politically motivated prosecutions without fair trial guarantees. (Amnesty International)
• Ethnic minorities such as the Pamiri community have been subject to discriminatory treatment, and several activists detained after protests have died in custody or faced harsh prison conditions. (Human Rights Watch)
• International bodies including the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders have repeatedly urged the Tajik government to respect freedom of expression and release unjustly imprisoned defenders. (Amnesty International)

By Rustam Mansuri, Human Rights Expert on Tajikistan

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Manuchehr Kholiqnazarov is one of the most prominent human rights defenders from Tajikistan, active in advocating for the rights of the Pamiri ethnic minority in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region.

He was arrested in 2022 following largely peaceful protests in Khorog and subsequently sentenced to a long prison term (originally reported as 16 years) on charges widely seen by international monitors as politically motivated and unjust. His trial has been criticized by HR defenders as failing to meet fair-trial standards, with denial of access to lawyers and evidence during proceedings.

Although his arrest and sentence predate late 2025, Kholiqnazarov remains imprisoned and continues to be an internationally recognized prisoner of conscience. In 2024 he was jointly awarded the prestigious Martin Ennals Award for Human Rights Defenders, underscoring ongoing concern from global civil society about his detention and the broader repression in Tajikistan. 

Why this case matters now:
Even in late 2025, there is no indication of his release or legal remedy, and his continued incarceration is frequently cited in reports on human rights in Tajikistan, highlighting systematic repression of dissent and ethnic minority advocacy. 

Rukhshona Khakimova — Journalist and Rights Defender Sentenced in 2025

• In February 2025, the Supreme Court of Tajikistan convicted her of treason under Tajik law and sentenced her to 8 years in prison following what international observers described as a flawed trial. The charges reportedly stemmed from her research work and interviews with individuals involved in investigations of international aid — conduct that human rights experts argue was part of her legitimate journalistic and research activities. In May 2025, a UN human rights expert publicly called for her immediate release and a fair retrial in line with international standards, noting serious deficiencies in the legal process and persecution of her exercise of free expression.

Both cases above unfold in a broader environment of clamped civil liberties and human-rights restrictions in Tajikistan:

• Independent activists, journalists, lawyers, and civic leaders continue to face arbitrary detention and politically motivated prosecutions without fair trial guarantees. (Amnesty International)
• Ethnic minorities such as the Pamiri community have been subject to discriminatory treatment, and several activists detained after protests have died in custody or faced harsh prison conditions. (Human Rights Watch)
• International bodies including the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders have repeatedly urged the Tajik government to respect freedom of expression and release unjustly imprisoned defenders. (Amnesty International)

By Rustam Mansuri, Human Rights Expert on Tajikistan

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Earlier, the Senate approved amendments to the law, adding a new provision stating: “Protection of the younger generation from propaganda of non-traditional sexual relations and pedophilia,” Caliber.Az reports.

Amnesty International and other human rights groups warned that the proposed ban on so‑called “LGBT propaganda” would violate Kazakhstan’s international human rights obligations and undermine freedom of expression and access to information for LGBT+ people. 

A coalition of seven international human rights organisations said lawmakers should reject the draft law, saying it would increase the vulnerability of LGBTIQ+ people and clearly contravene Kazakhstan’s commitments under international human rights treaties, including rights to education, health, and information.

Human rights defenders, including Access Now and Human Rights Watch, publicly condemned the measure as “Russia‑style” and harmful to Kazakhstan’s image, noting that the inclusion of broad restrictions on LGBT‑related content was unrelated to child protection or archival policy and could justify suspension of online content without court orders.

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In late 2025, Belarusian authorities carried out the largest release of political prisoners since the 2020 post-election crackdown, freeing hundreds of detainees convicted on politically motivated charges.

The releases followed months of international pressure, including sustained calls from the European Union, the United Nations, and major human rights organizations. However, no legal rehabilitation or annulment of convictions accompanied the releases.

Key Facts

• • According to Belarusian and international human rights monitors, over 300 political prisoners were released in several waves.
• • Most were freed through presidential pardons issued by Alexander Lukashenko, not through court review.
• • Many released individuals were forced to sign loyalty statements, admit guilt, or agree to restrictions on public activity.
• • Some were released under probationary supervision, remaining under constant threat of re-arrest.

Who Was Released

• • Protest participants from 2020–2021
• • Independent journalists and bloggers
• • Human rights defenders
• • Trade-union activists
• • Ordinary citizens convicted for “extremism,” “insulting officials,” or “discrediting the state”

Despite the releases, leading opposition figures, prominent activists, and high-profile journalists remain imprisoned, including individuals in critical health conditions.

Human Rights Assessment

Human rights organizations, including Viasna Human Rights Centre, stress that:

• • The releases do not signal systemic change in Belarus.
• • Political repression continues unabated, with new arrests reported even during the release process.
• • Courts remain fully subordinated to the executive, and politically motivated prosecutions persist.

The UN Special Rapporteur on Belarus described the releases as “selective humanitarian gestures” rather than genuine reform.

Political Context

Observers widely interpret the mass releases as:

• • An attempt to ease international isolation
• • A signal to Western governments amid diplomatic back-channel contacts
• • A tactical move to reduce pressure without changing repressive laws

At the same time, Belarus continues to:

• • Criminalize dissent under “extremism” legislation
• • Suppress independent media
• • Persecute civil society and exiled activists
• • Cooperate closely with Russia’s security and military structures

Current Situation

As of early 2026:

• • More than 1,000 people are still recognized as political prisoners by independent monitors
• • New politically motivated prosecutions continue
• • Torture, ill-treatment, and denial of medical care in detention remain documented concerns

Conclusion

While the large-scale release of political prisoners in Belarus represents a significant humanitarian development, it does not constitute meaningful progress on human rights. Without legal rehabilitation, institutional reform, and guarantees against renewed 

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1. UN General Assembly Condemns Russian Aggression & Rights Violations

The United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution condemning ongoing violations of human rights and humanitarian law in the territories of Ukraine temporarily occupied by Russia. The resolution also demands the withdrawal of Russian forces from Ukrainian territory, highlighting widespread abuses against civilians and calls for accountability.)

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2. Systematic Torture and Mistreatment of Ukrainian POWs

Human Rights Watch reported that Russian forces have engaged in the systematic torture and ill-treatment of Ukrainian prisoners of war. Such actions are documented as serious violations of the Geneva Conventions and amount to war crimes, with abuses occurring at the time of capture and during detention. 

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3. Human Rights Advocacy on Peace Talks

International human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch have urged that peace negotiations include a strong focus on human impact and protection of civilians, not just territorial or political issues. These statements emphasize that any peace process must be anchored in respect for human rights and accountability for abuses. 

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4. Calls for Justice and Accountability in Peace Plans

Amnesty International and other groups have stressed that future peace plans must not compromise on justice, accountability, or the rights of victims. Ending hostilities cannot come at the expense of impunity for war crimes or failing to protect survivors, displaced persons, and affected communities. 

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5. Russian Attacks on Civilian Infrastructure & Food Security

The Gardian reports recent military actions, including attacks that damaged civilian infrastructure such as ports and shipping related to Ukraine’s food exports, have been publicly condemned as contributing to civilian suffering and broader humanitarian challenges linked to the war. 

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The Russian authorities are blatantly attempting to criminalize human rights work. By conducting intrusive searches and arbitrary arrests, and by criminalizing peaceful cooperation with international partners, the authorities are determined to force human rights defenders into submission.

Background

On 16 December 2025, law enforcement officers carried out coordinated searches at the homes and workplaces of Yekaterinburg-based human rights defenders Aleksei Sokolov and Larisa Zakharova, as well as lawyer Roman Kachanov. All three work with “Human Rights Defenders of the Urals.” They were subsequently charged under Article 284.1(3) of the Russian Criminal Code, for “organization of activities of an undesirable organization” which is punishable by up to six years’ imprisonment.

The authorities have claimed that the case is connected to alleged cooperation with the Norwegian Helsinki Committee and the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy, both designated “undesirable” in Russia.

Aleksei Sokolov is also currently facing criminal prosecution for the alleged display of “extremist symbols” based solely on references to Facebook in the online posts of their human rights group, following the Russian authorities’ designation of Meta as an “extremist organization” and the resulting ban on links to its platforms. He spent six months between July 2024 and January 2025 in pre-trial detention before being released under restrictive measures.

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Independent reports document arbitrary detention, torture, forced disappearances, forcible conscription, and suppression of dissent in Russian-occupied areas of Ukraine, with civilians unable to exercise freedom of expression or movement. Human rights groups report systematic abuses against civilians in Russian-occupied Ukrainian territories, including arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, torture, and forced conscription. Residents are pressured to accept Russian citizenship and face persecution for pro-Ukrainian views or refusal to cooperate with occupation authorities.

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Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a controversial law permitting authorities in Russian-occupied regions of Ukraine to seize homes left empty by displaced Ukrainians, redistributing them to Russian personnel and residents. Critics, including the UN human rights chief, condemned this as violating international humanitarian law and undermining property and human rights in occupied areas. 

Russian authorities continue to expand the use of criminal prosecutions for “discrediting the army” and “extremism”, targeting journalists, anti-war activists, and ordinary citizens for social-media posts, public statements, or private conversations critical of the war in Ukraine. Courts routinely issue long prison sentences after closed or expedited trials.

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An analysis of reports by international organizations over the past decade indicates a significant deterioration of the human rights situation in Tajikistan. There has been a manifold increase in documented instances of violations against journalists, arbitrary arrests, the use of torture, labor rights abuses, and discrimination against women.

While Tajikistan has never been a free country and political rights have historically been constrained, the period beginning approximately in the 2020s has witnessed the effective deprivation of all political rights for citizens.

This erosion of citizens’ rights has occurred in parallel with a notable surge in corruption, an increase in arrests, and the imposition of more stringent restrictive measures. Violations of journalists’ rights are becoming increasingly frequent, and widespread self-censorship prevents the publication of critical reporting.

Law enforcement agencies are increasingly cited as perpetrators of a wide range of human rights violations, up to and including the systematic practice of torture.

The situation concerning women’s rights has also deteriorated, despite governmental initiatives aimed at enhancing their status in public and political life. Furthermore, while international monitoring bodies report infrequently on minorities, this should not be construed as evidence that the state has taken all necessary measures to facilitate their integration into the country’s political life.

By Rustam Mansuri, Human Rights Expert on Tajikistan

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Belarus released Ales Bialiatski, a Nobel Peace Prize-winning human rights defender jailed since 2021, along with 122 others, including opposition figures. His imprisonment and that of many others had been widely viewed as politically motivated, part of ongoing repression of dissent since contested elections in 2020. 

Despite a limited release of some detainees, Belarus continues to hold over a thousand political prisoners, including journalists, activists, and opposition supporters. Authorities maintain widespread repression through vague “extremism” charges, harsh prison conditions, and bans on independent media and civil society organizations.

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On December 1, 2025, police searched the independent Orda.kz media agency’s newsroom and detained media workers, at least one of whom is facing criminal charges. Other independent journalists have been under pressure from government officials and their social media accounts have been taken down. On December 2, the website of an independent media outlet experienced a distributed denial of service attack, to make a website unavailable by overwhelming it with traffic from multiple sources.

The Kazakhstan government has repeatedly pledged to uphold the right to freedom of expression, consistent with its Constitution and international obligations, including in January at its fourth Universal Periodic Review at the UN.

On December 1, police in Almaty detained Gulnara Bazhkenova, editor-in-chief of the independent news outlet Orda.kz, as a person of interest in several criminal cases, including for allegedly spreading “repeated and deliberate” false information. On the same day, a court ordered her held for two months of house arrest, her lawyer said.

Bazhkenova was arrested following a police search of the Almaty newsroom of Orda.kz and Bazhkenova’s home. The outlet’s legal representatives and staff said that investigative teams seized documents, equipment, and money for staff salaries. They forced open a safe. Officials physically searched Bazhkenova and an accountant. The authorities at the office denied Orda.kz’s lawyers permission to enter even though the lawyers had proper authorization, and barred them from reviewing the search warrant, both criminal procedural code violations.

On the same day in Astana, police questioned Dmitry Kim, head of Orda.kz’s capital bureau, for several hours at the outlet’s office and later took him to a police station. He was released the same day.

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Human rights advocates criticized a new EU-Uzbekistan agreement, arguing that Uzbekistan continues to curb freedom of expression, prosecute activists and bloggers on vague or politically motivated charges, and impose heavy state oversight on NGOs. JURIST

Additional reporting notes that Uzbekistan remains among the world’s most restricted environments for internet freedom, with arbitrary arrests of online critics and blocking of websites. Freedom House

Human rights monitors report ongoing restrictions on free speech and civic activism, with bloggers and activists prosecuted on politically motivated charges. Despite official reform rhetoric, torture allegations, limits on independent NGOs, and state surveillance of online activity remain serious concerns.

.Prepared by:
Umronbek Azimov
For submission to the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention

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At the 11th meeting of the Tajikistan–EU Cooperation Council, held in Brussels, the European Union urged the Republic of Tajikistan to strengthen cooperation aimed at preventing the circumvention of EU restrictive measures imposed on the Russian Federation.

This appeal follows the recent inclusion by the European Union of three Tajik financial institutions—Dushanbe City Bank, Spitamenbank, and Kommerzbank Tajikistan—on the EU sanctions list. These entities are alleged to have facilitated the evasion of export restrictions through third countries, including the transfer of computers, industrial control equipment, microelectronic components, unmanned aerial systems, and other advanced technologies, thereby contributing to the enhancement of Russia’s military capabilities. The response of the Tajik delegation, led by Minister of Foreign Affairs Sirojiddin Muhriddin, to the EU’s position has not been made public.

In its official communication, the European Union emphasized that it had called upon Dushanbe to uphold its international legal obligations by supporting the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Ukraine, in line with the positions adopted by the United Nations and the EU.

In addition to addressing sanctions-related matters, the European Union expressed serious concern regarding the situation of human rights in Tajikistan, including increased pressure on human rights defenders and journalists, the progressive restriction of civic space, and the absence of accountability for the excessive use of force against participants in the 2022 protests in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO).

Furthermore, the EU urged Tajikistan to intensify efforts to prevent torture and ill-treatment, improve conditions of detention, advance gender equality, and combat sexual and gender-based violence.

The Cooperation Council also reviewed issues pertaining to trade, investment, and energy cooperation.

Human rights organizations and opposition groups have previously criticized the European Union for what they viewed as an insufficiently robust response to systemic human rights violations in Tajikistan. In July 2024, the EU had already expressed concern regarding the treatment of detained human rights defenders, journalists, and bloggers, and called on the authorities of Tajikistan to conduct effective investigations into documented human rights violations in GBAO.

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The Government of the Republic of Uzbekistan has transmitted an official diplomatic note to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation requesting comprehensive explanations regarding the incident that occurred in Moscow and underscoring the necessity of conducting a legal assessment of the actions of Russian law enforcement authorities.

Earlier, widespread media reports indicated that officers of the National Guard of the Russian Federation (Rosgvardia) had used physical force against citizens of Uzbekistan. According to publicly available information, the incident took place on June 8 during measures to inspect the legal status of foreign nationals temporarily employed in the Sokolniki district of Moscow.

On June 10, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Uzbekistan held its regular monthly meeting with representatives of the Russian Federation on migration-related matters, as confirmed by the Ministry’s press service. During the meeting, the Uzbek side expressed serious concern regarding unjustified checks, as well as disrespectful and degrading treatment of Uzbek citizens on the territory of the Russian Federation.

The Uzbek delegation emphasized that such actions are incompatible with the principles of friendly bilateral relations and necessitate the adoption of concrete preventive measures.

“The protection of the rights and lawful interests of citizens of the Republic of Uzbekistan residing permanently or temporarily abroad constitutes one of the priority tasks of the Uzbek state. In this regard, the Embassy of Uzbekistan in Moscow is maintaining an active dialogue with the Russian side through established diplomatic channels,” the Ministry’s statement reads.

The Uzbek side called upon the competent authorities of the Russian Federation to ensure respectful treatment of Uzbek nationals and to refrain from actions infringing upon their honor and dignity.

In connection with the incident in Moscow, Uzbekistan transmitted a diplomatic note to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, demanding clarifications concerning the documented violations of human rights and reiterating the inadmissibility of such conduct. The note further stressed the need for a full legal assessment of the actions undertaken by Russian law enforcement officials.

“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Uzbekistan will continue to maintain constant oversight of this matter and stands ready to take additional measures as warranted,” the statement concluded.

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The Government of Uzbekistan must immediately secure the release of blogger and civic activist Valijon Kalonov, who has been subjected to involuntary psychiatric confinement since December 2021, and ensure that he receives full and adequate compensation for the harm suffered.

According to Umida Niyazova, Director of the Uzbek Forum for Human Rights, “the compulsory placement of Valijon Kalonov in a psychiatric institution constitutes retaliation for his critical commentary on governmental policies. Kalonov did not advocate violence, issue threats, or engage in any conduct that could reasonably be construed as posing a risk to public safety.”

Kalonov, aged 55 and a resident of Jizzakh, has been an outspoken critic of state authorities. In 2021, he publicly called for a boycott of the presidential elections and expressed concerns regarding China’s discriminatory policies toward Uyghurs.

In August 2021, Uzbek authorities arrested Kalonov and charged him with “production of materials threatening public safety” and “insulting the President via the internet.” These charges were based on social media posts that authorities alleged contained elements of “religious fundamentalism,” as well as insults and defamatory statements against the President of Uzbekistan.

Following his arrest, a regional court in December 2021 determined that Kalonov was “not criminally liable” and ordered his compulsory treatment in a psychiatric facility. Individuals close to Kalonov state that he has no history of mental illness, and, in any event, his alleged condition cannot justify his continued deprivation of liberty.

The court decision relied on a state forensic psychiatric assessment claiming that “Valijon Kalonov suffers from a chronic mental illness, including obsessive-compulsive disorder and impaired logical thinking, rendering him incapable of understanding or controlling his actions at the time of the alleged offense, and posing a potential danger to society.”

Human rights organizations note that this is not an isolated case. Uzbek authorities have repeatedly used questionable psychiatric evaluations and involuntary psychiatric hospitalization to silence dissent and undermine the credibility of government critics. Kalonov’s case follows a documented pattern in which activists have been diagnosed with psychiatric disorders on the basis of politically influenced forensic examinations.

Human rights defender Yelena Urlaeva was forcibly confined to psychiatric institutions on five occasions between 2001 and 2016, during which she was subjected to prolonged physical restraints and the forced administration of psychotropic substances, resulting in long-term physical and psychological harm.

The practice of involuntary psychiatric confinement—rooted in Soviet-era punitive psychiatry—remains a serious concern in Uzbekistan. Because such treatment is often imposed in institutions lacking independent monitoring mechanisms, individuals placed in these facilities are exposed to a significant risk of abuse, regardless of whether they suffer from an actual mental health condition.

Uzbekistan’s international partners must insist that the authorities:

1. Immediately release Valijon Kalonov and provide adequate compensation in accordance with the decision of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD); and
2. Fully implement the WGAD’s decision in the case of blogger Otabek Sattoriy, which found in February 2023 that his arrest and detention resulted solely from his exercise of freedom of expression. Although Sattoriy was released early in February 2024, he has not received compensation as required under the WGAD’s opinion.

The Uzbek government has recently emphasized its purported commitment to human rights, including the election of Akmal Saidov, Director of the National Human Rights Center, as an independent expert to the UN Human Rights Committee. However, Uzbekistan continues to show a troubling pattern of non-compliance with decisions issued by UN human rights mechanisms, including opinions of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. Compliance with these decisions is essential to demonstrate good faith and respect for international obligations.

As stated by Mira Rittmann, Senior Central Asia Researcher at Human Rights Watch, “the Uzbek authorities must not only release Kalonov immediately, but also provide compensation and conduct a thorough investigation into the circumstances that led to his unlawful psychiatric confinement. Kalonov should not spend a single additional day in an institution where he was placed as a result of abuse.”

Prepared by:
Umronbek Azimov
For submission to the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention

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According to the Press Secretary of the President of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Peskov, the Russian Federation does not intend to execute the Court’s decision concerning compensatory payments for the alleged human rights violations committed following the “five-day war.”
“We will not comply with this ruling,” the Kremlin’s official representative stated.

The armed conflict between the Russian Federation and Georgia commenced on 8 August 2008, when then-President Dmitry Medvedev announced the launch of a so-called “peace enforcement operation.”

Russian officials characterized the ECHR judgment in favor of Georgia as unfounded and politically motivated

Grigory Karasin, Chair of the International Affairs Committee of the Federation Council, asserted that the ECHR’s decision to award more than EUR 250 million in damages lacked adequate legal justification.
He stated that “this approach by the ECHR is not new and clearly reflects the nature of the institution,” calling the judgment “an odious anti-Russian decision without any genuine legal basis.”
According to Karasin, the award of EUR 253 million for events related to the 2008 hostilities is “outrageous,” emphasizing Russia’s position that former Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili “initiated the attack on Tskhinvali on 8 August 2008,” referring to the capital of a party to the conflict recognized by Russia.

The ECHR had earlier upheld Georgia’s inter-state application against Russia, finding the Russian Federation responsible for numerous violations of the European Convention on Human Rights, including excessive use of force, ill-treatment, unlawful detention, and unlawful restrictions on freedom of movement across the administrative boundary line. Georgia submitted its application in 2018.

At the same time, in October 2021, the ECHR dismissed applications lodged by residents of South Ossetia alleging human rights violations by Georgian military forces, which included claims relating to extensive shelling and the conduct of Georgian servicemen in Tskhinvali. The Court ruled that Georgia lacked effective control over the territory at the relevant time and therefore could not be held responsible under the Convention merely because the hostilities took place on territory formally recognized as Georgian.

Georgian authorities identified those they deem responsible for the initiation of the 2008 conflict

In August 2025, the Prime Minister of Georgia, Irakli Kobakhidze, stated that the 2008 armed conflict with Russia was initiated by what he described as the “anti-democratic, bloody regime” of former President Mikheil Saakashvili. He asserted that the war was launched “on the instructions of the deep state,” suggesting that U.S. President Donald Trump could clarify the meaning of this term. Kobakhidze referred to the August 2008 events as a “tragedy” and stated that Saakashvili “must be held accountable for initiating the war.”By Alexey Filimonov, expert on human rights issues in Russia

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The European Union has adopted a new package of restrictive measures targeting ten officials of the Russian Federation found to be responsible for serious and systematic violations of human rights within Russia, as well as for the persecution of members of Russian civil society and the political opposition. These designations were enacted pursuant to the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime (Council Regulation (EU) 2020/1998 and Council Decision (CFSP) 2020/1999).

The individuals added to the sanctions list include senior representatives of the Federal Penitentiary Service (FSIN) of the Rostov Region, particularly those associated with Detention Facility No. 2 in Taganrog. According to extensive and credible reporting, this facility has been the site of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment, and other grave abuses committed against Ukrainian prisoners of war and civilians unlawfully detained there. Among the deceased Ukrainian detainees previously held in this facility was journalist Viktoria Roshchyna.

The sanctions also extend to members of the judiciary and law enforcement structures involved in the politically motivated prosecution of Alexey Gorinov, who has been recognized by reputable human rights organizations as a political prisoner. In addition, the restrictive measures target officials responsible for the persecution of activists associated with Alexey Navalny and his civic and political organizations.

The individuals explicitly designated under the new sanctions package include:

• Alexey Polyakov, Head of the FSIN Directorate for the Rostov Region;
• Alexander Shtoda, Director of Detention Facility No. 2 (Taganrog);
• Two deputy directors of the same facility;
• Judge Timur Vakhrameyev of the Basmanny District Court (Moscow);
• Two prosecutors involved in politically motivated prosecutions;
• Three judges of the Appellate Military Court implicated in unlawful convictions and upholding of politically driven sentences.

These sanctions include asset freezes and travel bans, and they prohibit EU persons and entities from making funds or economic resources available to the designated individuals.

By Alexey Filimonov, expert on human rights issues in Russia

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Any credible prospect of bringing an end to the armed conflict in Ukraine, initiated by the Russian Federation, should be viewed positively. However, a durable cessation of hostilities cannot be pursued at any price—particularly not at the expense of granting amnesty or de facto impunity to individuals responsible for crimes under international law or for violations of fundamental norms of international humanitarian and human rights law.

No individual should be exposed to further human rights violations as a consequence of any peace arrangement; all ongoing violations must cease immediately; and all victims must be afforded adequate and effective reparation. The Russian Federation must immediately repatriate all children who were unlawfully and forcibly transferred or deported from Ukraine and must release all Ukrainian detainees it continues to hold in violation of international law, including those who have been kept incommunicado. Irrespective of whether a peace agreement is reached, these matters are urgent and non-negotiable.

At present, discussions concerning a potential United States-mediated “peace agreement” between Ukraine and the Russian Federation have reportedly reached an advanced stage. Although the detailed provisions have not been officially disclosed, media reporting and certain official statements indicate that Ukraine may be subjected to pressure to accept the loss of territory to the Russian Federation and to endorse a general amnesty for all participants in the armed conflict.

There are also indications that the release of detainees is being contemplated, although information on the scope and modalities of such a release remains limited. Alleged war crimes and other grave breaches of international humanitarian law—including intentional attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure by Russian forces, as well as ongoing human rights violations in territories occupied by the Russian Federation, such as the forcible displacement and deportation of civilians, including children, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, torture, and other forms of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment—cannot be overlooked, minimized, or subjected to amnesty under any circumstances.

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The United Nations Human Rights Committee has adopted its Views in the joint case of sixteen individual applicants. The case concerned administrative fines imposed for displaying white-red-white flags (and similar items) in the windows of private homes. Belarus is now obligated to reimburse these fines, as well as all legal costs incurred by the applicants.

The decision concerns the following Belarusian nationals: Nikolai Kachurets, Vladimir Kiko, Natallia Klimchik, Natallia Sotskaya, Katazhina Primak, Liubov Khvatova, Ivan Malyshko, Olga Aleksievich, Tatyana Ivanova, Irina Shaevka, Svetlana Starodubets, Alina Moroz, Yuliya Davidovich, Yevgeniya Zarubayko, and Darya Pazhitnykh.

The Human Rights Committee consolidated the sixteen individual communications into a single proceeding, noting their similarity in fact patterns and legal issues, and issued a single set of Views.

Factual Background

The Committee described the factual circumstances of the case as follows:

“Between 2020 and 2021, following the presidential elections held in 2020 in the State party, the authors were sanctioned for displaying white-red-white flags, ribbons, towels, curtains, or stickers in the windows of their homes and on their vehicles. According to the authors, the combination of white and red colors symbolizes opposition to the current regime and represents the colors of the official flag used in the State party until the incumbent president came to power in 1995. […] All authors were held administratively liable under article 23.34 of the Code of Administrative Offences for violating the established procedure for holding mass events and picketing. […] All authors were sentenced to pay various administrative fines. Their appeals to higher courts were unsuccessful.”

The Committee noted that it had previously found violations of Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in analogous cases involving the same laws and enforcement practices of the State party, including Nikolaychik et al. v. Belarus, Grik v. Belarus, and Lutskovich v. Belarus.

Obligations of the State Party

“The Committee wishes to receive from the State party, within 180 days, information on the measures taken to implement the present Views. The State party is also requested to publish the present Views and to ensure their wide dissemination in the official languages of the State party,” the Human Rights Committee stated.

Belarus, as a State party to the ICCPR and its Optional Protocol, is obligated to provide effective remedies to the authors of the communications.

“This requires the State party to provide full reparation to individuals whose Covenant rights have been violated. Accordingly, the State party is obligated to take appropriate measures to reimburse the current amounts of the fines and any court costs incurred by the authors in connection with the domestic proceedings against them. The State party is also obligated to take all necessary measures to prevent similar violations in the future.”

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The Belarusian authorities are engaged in the mass violation of human rights in an effort to suppress any dissent against the rule of Alexander Lukashenko. Some of these acts may amount to crimes against humanity.

Among the most severe violations are arbitrary arrests and detentions on political grounds, which have become commonplace in the country.

There are numerous reports of the systematic torture and ill-treatment of detainees in prisons, including beatings, electric shocks, and threats of rape—directed not only at the detainees themselves but also at their relatives. Law enforcement officers exhibit particular cruelty towards members of the LGBTQ community.

Human rights violations in Belarus are widespread and systematic, and are targeted at citizens who criticize the government. There are reasonable grounds to believe that some of these acts constitute crimes against humanity, including unlawful imprisonment and political persecution.

Inmates in correctional colonies face particular pressure and discrimination designed to break their will and suppress any political resistance. Many of them have been detained repeatedly, sometimes immediately after their release.

Due to amendments to the laws on “extremism,” pressure on lawyers, and the de facto control of the legal profession by the Ministry of Justice, a system has been established that deprives citizens of their right to a fair trial.

In 2024, the authorities implemented a series of measures aimed at eradicating any sources of dissent. Law enforcement agencies employ modern digital surveillance technologies, monitor people’s online activity, and frequently prosecute them for their posts and comments. In the same year, at least 228 non-profit organizations were forcibly dissolved.

As a result of these developments, hundreds of thousands of Belarusians have fled the country since 2020, including lawyers, activists, journalists, and members of non-governmental organizations. Even in exile, many continue to face persecution and are charged with offenses such as “discrediting Belarus” or “conspiracy.”

Many experts and human rights defenders consistently emphasize the critical importance of holding the perpetrators accountable, both through judicial and other accountability mechanisms. The investigation, exposure, and prosecution of individuals involved in these human rights violations and crimes against humanity are essential steps towards ending impunity.

For Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, United Nations

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The Nauryzbay District Court of Almaty has delivered a verdict against Temirlan Yensebek, author of the satirical Instagram public page Qaznews24. He was found guilty under Article 174 of the Criminal Code of Kazakhstan – “Incitement of social, national, tribal, racial, class, or religious discord” – and sentenced to five years of restricted freedom, as well as banned from engaging in journalism and public activity. Judge Beynegul Kaysina fully upheld the prosecution’s demands.

From the very beginning, the Qaznews24 author described the criminal prosecution as politically motivated. He repeatedly petitioned for the presence of not only media, but also international observers at the hearings to ensure transparency of the trial. However, the court fully denied these requests. His lawyer, Zhanar Balgabayeva, also filed multiple motions to change the measure of restraint to house arrest or bail, but the court rejected them as well, citing the seriousness of the charges.

Temirlan Yensebek was detained on January 17, 2025, after a search of his home. Since the moment of his arrest, he has remained in custody. The case was initiated over a satirical Instagram post that included a song which the investigation deemed provocative. His trial drew criticism from human rights defenders and journalists, who pointed to restricted access to the hearings, a ban on online broadcasts, and the court’s refusal to admit international observers.

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In Astana, activist Arzh Tursynkan was detained following the forcible disruption of a public discussion on LGBT+ issues. Human rights organizations have expressed serious concern regarding his health and safety and are calling for his immediate and unconditional release.

On 21 November, a public discussion and presentation of a study examining the impact of stigma and discrimination against LGBT+ individuals on economic development and human rights was interrupted. According to the organizers, within minutes after the event began, a woman who identified herself as a “media employee” entered the venue. She repeatedly interrupted the speakers, provoked them, and interfered with the proceedings, ultimately causing the event to be halted. Following this incident, police officers detained one of the speakers, activist Arzh Tursynkan, and transported him to Police Station No. 59 in the Saryarka district. There, he was charged with an administrative offense under Article 434(1) of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Republic of Kazakhstan (“petty hooliganism”) and placed in a temporary detention facility.

Human rights defenders are demanding that authorities ensure Tursynkan’s immediate release and provide him with adequate medical care. They further urge the public, as well as international human rights bodies, to closely monitor the situation and respond to the significant risks he is currently facing.

This incident occurs against the broader backdrop of ongoing legislative attempts to restrict so-called “LGBT propaganda” in Kazakhstan. Over the past two years, members of Parliament have repeatedly introduced various drafts seeking to impose such prohibitions. In one notable example, a group of deputies attempted to insert restrictive provisions into an unrelated bill—the draft law “On Amendments and Additions to Certain Legislative Acts on Archival Affairs.”The proposal would introduce penalties for “LGBT and pedophilia propaganda” through amendments to Article 456 of the Code of Administrative Offenses, which concerns violations of the procedure for publishing imprint information.

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